Print: 29 Oct 2025
The idea of a Second Republic, which gained traction in Bangladesh following the ouster of the fascist Awami League regime, remains no longer merely a political slogan in the country; it is now a subject of serious discussion, gaining momentum with the launch of the National Citizen Party (NCP) on 28 February 2025. What was once a theoretical concept has now taken a tangible form as student leaders, who played a pivotal role in the July Revolution 2024, have stepped into formal politics. Their vision is not just about reforms; they are calling for a complete political transformation, dismantling the existing system and establishing an entirely new republic.
What exactly is a Second Republic?
In simple terms, Second Republic stands for a new order, a new historic opportunity that shall displace the present governance system for something contrastingly different. In many countries, a Second Republic has meant a new constitution, a redefined political system and a blank slate from previous failures. In our case in Bangladesh, the cry for a Second Republic comes from years of a beleaguered system aggravated by a culture of corruption, authoritarian blackmail, electoral fraud and institutional decay.
The call for a Second Republic was greatly cemented on 5 August 2024, when mass protests saw Sheikh Hasina’s government fall, with students being the backbone of this mass uprising. But the call was not just about removing a leadership; it was a call for uprooting the political culture that nevertheless denied democracy in favour of a concentration of power in the hands of few. Thus, on the street, people soon realised that merely changing the governing party would not do much to correct their deep-seated structural problems. Instead, an argument was started for something stronger: the creation of a Second Republic that would guarantee real democracy, accountability and governance free from external interference.
How have other countries transitioned to a Second Republic?
The concept of a Second Republic is not unique to Bangladesh. Indeed, history is filled with many examples of nations that have had to go through such political transformation, typically years after the authoritarian regime, failed governance or a social uprising.
Such is France, as it has passed through republics throughout its history. After the exile of King Louis-Philippe I, the French Second Republic (1848-1852) emerged, universalised male suffrage, gave freedom of press and commenced democratic reforms. However, it was short-lived, ending with a coup by Napoleon III. Stability only happened with the Third Republic (1870-1940) on which the grounds of modern French democracy were laid.
Italy also saw a major transformation after the fall of Benito Mussolini’s fascist regime in 1943. The monarchy was abolished by a referendum in 1946; the Italian Republic was founded soon after. A new constitution in 1948 was meant as the first step towards modern Italian democracy, which was a bumpy road and had to reckon with continual problems of political instability and corruption.
Turkey underwent a very dramatic change from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic in 1923. Under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the country made a transition towards a secular state defined by sweeping reforms in education, governance and civil rights. Later, Turkey saw another such change as a military-dominated system was replaced for civilian rule in the early 2000s.
A more recent example would be that of Tunisia’s 2011 revolution, which was part of the Arab Spring. In this case, it dislodged President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and paved the way for the new democratic constitution in 2014. But like most of the countries that have undergone transfiguration, Tunisia continues to face economic woes shackled with political instability, raising doubts over whether the transitional process would indeed be long-term successful.
Bangladesh’s current situation bears similarities to these historical examples. Like France and Italy, it is emerging from a period of entrenched political control, and like Tunisia, it faces the challenge of building sustainable democratic institutions after a mass uprising. The question is whether it will be able to sail through this transition without falling victim to either political scattering or reversion to authoritarianism.
What role can the NCP play in shaping Bangladesh’s Second Republic?
The emergence of the NCP is a direct response to the growing demand for political transformation. Led by Nahid Islam, a key figure in the July uprising, the party has positioned itself as a genuine alternative in Bangladeshi politics. Speaking at the party’s launch in Dhaka’s Manik Mia Avenue, Nahid made it clear that the time for change had arrived. He spoke of the need to dream of a new future and work together to build the Bangladesh people want. “The politics of division that has kept Bangladesh weak is over,” he declared – words that resonated with thousands who believe the country’s political system needs a complete reset, not just minor reforms.
One of the most striking proposals from the NCP is its demand for a constituent assembly election, which would pave the way for drafting a new constitution. Akhtar Hossain, the party’s member secretary, argued that Bangladesh’s future must be built on a new constitutional framework – one that ensures power is truly vested in the people and institutions are free from political interference. It is an audacious demand – one that, if realised, would mark the most significant political transformation since Bangladesh’s independence in 1971.
The NCP’s vision also challenges the traditional geopolitical influences that have shaped Bangladesh’s politics for decades. Nahid Islam made a bold statement: pro-India and pro-Pakistan politics will no longer dictate the country’s direction. This signals a shift towards a more independent foreign policy – something many Bangladeshis have long wanted, as they feel successive governments have aligned too closely with foreign powers at the expense of national interests. The demand for a Second Republic is, in many ways, a demand for true sovereignty – both politically and economically.
But transitioning from a revolutionary movement to an effective political force is never straightforward. While the NCP’s rise is exciting, its real test lies ahead. Many new political parties in Bangladesh’s history have started with great promise but struggled to maintain momentum due to internal conflicts, lack of experience and resistance from established forces. The NCP’s leaders, mostly young activists, will have to prove they can govern as effectively as they can mobilise.
Public expectations are also sky-high. People who joined the revolution did so with the hope that their lives would improve: corruption would end, the judiciary would be independent, jobs would be based on merit rather than political connections, etc. If the NCP and other reformist forces fail to deliver tangible results, disillusionment could set in quickly.
Another key question is how other political forces will react to this push for a Second Republic. The BNP, a major political player for decades, has broadly welcomed the changes but has not fully committed to a new constitutional order. Meanwhile, the remnants of the fascist Awami League and other traditional power brokers may try to resist such radical shifts. There is also uncertainty over how the interim government, led by Prof Muhammad Yunus, will approach these demands – whether it will engage with them or take a more cautious stance.
The coming months will be crucial for Bangladesh. If the idea of a Second Republic continues to gain support, the country could be on the verge of one of the most significant political transformations in its history. But if the movement loses direction or fractures from within, it could end up as just another failed attempt at alternative politics.
For now, one thing is certain: the revolution that reshaped the country’s political landscape last year is still unfolding. Where it ultimately leads – towards a Second Republic or something else entirely – will depend on whether this new generation of leaders can turn their vision into reality.
The writer is the news editor at the Daily Sun. Email: [email protected]
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NCP’s launch and the dream of a Second Republic
The idea of a Second Republic, which gained traction in Bangladesh following the ouster of the fascist Awami League regime, remains no longer merely a political slogan in the country; it is now a subject of serious discussion, gaining momentum with the launch of the National Citizen Party (NCP) on 28 February 2025. What was once a theoretical concept has now taken a tangible form as student leaders, who played a pivotal role in the July Revolution 2024, have stepped into formal politics. Their vision is not just about reforms; they are calling for a complete political transformation, dismantling the existing system and establishing an entirely new republic.
What exactly is a Second Republic?
In simple terms, Second Republic stands for a new order, a new historic opportunity that shall displace the present governance system for something contrastingly different. In many countries, a Second Republic has meant a new constitution, a redefined political system and a blank slate from previous failures. In our case in Bangladesh, the cry for a Second Republic comes from years of a beleaguered system aggravated by a culture of corruption, authoritarian blackmail, electoral fraud and institutional decay.
The call for a Second Republic was greatly cemented on 5 August 2024, when mass protests saw Sheikh Hasina’s government fall, with students being the backbone of this mass uprising. But the call was not just about removing a leadership; it was a call for uprooting the political culture that nevertheless denied democracy in favour of a concentration of power in the hands of few. Thus, on the street, people soon realised that merely changing the governing party would not do much to correct their deep-seated structural problems. Instead, an argument was started for something stronger: the creation of a Second Republic that would guarantee real democracy, accountability and governance free from external interference.
How have other countries transitioned to a Second Republic?
The concept of a Second Republic is not unique to Bangladesh. Indeed, history is filled with many examples of nations that have had to go through such political transformation, typically years after the authoritarian regime, failed governance or a social uprising.
Such is France, as it has passed through republics throughout its history. After the exile of King Louis-Philippe I, the French Second Republic (1848-1852) emerged, universalised male suffrage, gave freedom of press and commenced democratic reforms. However, it was short-lived, ending with a coup by Napoleon III. Stability only happened with the Third Republic (1870-1940) on which the grounds of modern French democracy were laid.
Italy also saw a major transformation after the fall of Benito Mussolini’s fascist regime in 1943. The monarchy was abolished by a referendum in 1946; the Italian Republic was founded soon after. A new constitution in 1948 was meant as the first step towards modern Italian democracy, which was a bumpy road and had to reckon with continual problems of political instability and corruption.
Turkey underwent a very dramatic change from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic in 1923. Under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the country made a transition towards a secular state defined by sweeping reforms in education, governance and civil rights. Later, Turkey saw another such change as a military-dominated system was replaced for civilian rule in the early 2000s.
A more recent example would be that of Tunisia’s 2011 revolution, which was part of the Arab Spring. In this case, it dislodged President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and paved the way for the new democratic constitution in 2014. But like most of the countries that have undergone transfiguration, Tunisia continues to face economic woes shackled with political instability, raising doubts over whether the transitional process would indeed be long-term successful.
Bangladesh’s current situation bears similarities to these historical examples. Like France and Italy, it is emerging from a period of entrenched political control, and like Tunisia, it faces the challenge of building sustainable democratic institutions after a mass uprising. The question is whether it will be able to sail through this transition without falling victim to either political scattering or reversion to authoritarianism.
What role can the NCP play in shaping Bangladesh’s Second Republic?
The emergence of the NCP is a direct response to the growing demand for political transformation. Led by Nahid Islam, a key figure in the July uprising, the party has positioned itself as a genuine alternative in Bangladeshi politics. Speaking at the party’s launch in Dhaka’s Manik Mia Avenue, Nahid made it clear that the time for change had arrived. He spoke of the need to dream of a new future and work together to build the Bangladesh people want. “The politics of division that has kept Bangladesh weak is over,” he declared – words that resonated with thousands who believe the country’s political system needs a complete reset, not just minor reforms.
One of the most striking proposals from the NCP is its demand for a constituent assembly election, which would pave the way for drafting a new constitution. Akhtar Hossain, the party’s member secretary, argued that Bangladesh’s future must be built on a new constitutional framework – one that ensures power is truly vested in the people and institutions are free from political interference. It is an audacious demand – one that, if realised, would mark the most significant political transformation since Bangladesh’s independence in 1971.
The NCP’s vision also challenges the traditional geopolitical influences that have shaped Bangladesh’s politics for decades. Nahid Islam made a bold statement: pro-India and pro-Pakistan politics will no longer dictate the country’s direction. This signals a shift towards a more independent foreign policy – something many Bangladeshis have long wanted, as they feel successive governments have aligned too closely with foreign powers at the expense of national interests. The demand for a Second Republic is, in many ways, a demand for true sovereignty – both politically and economically.
But transitioning from a revolutionary movement to an effective political force is never straightforward. While the NCP’s rise is exciting, its real test lies ahead. Many new political parties in Bangladesh’s history have started with great promise but struggled to maintain momentum due to internal conflicts, lack of experience and resistance from established forces. The NCP’s leaders, mostly young activists, will have to prove they can govern as effectively as they can mobilise.
Public expectations are also sky-high. People who joined the revolution did so with the hope that their lives would improve: corruption would end, the judiciary would be independent, jobs would be based on merit rather than political connections, etc. If the NCP and other reformist forces fail to deliver tangible results, disillusionment could set in quickly.
Another key question is how other political forces will react to this push for a Second Republic. The BNP, a major political player for decades, has broadly welcomed the changes but has not fully committed to a new constitutional order. Meanwhile, the remnants of the fascist Awami League and other traditional power brokers may try to resist such radical shifts. There is also uncertainty over how the interim government, led by Prof Muhammad Yunus, will approach these demands – whether it will engage with them or take a more cautious stance.
The coming months will be crucial for Bangladesh. If the idea of a Second Republic continues to gain support, the country could be on the verge of one of the most significant political transformations in its history. But if the movement loses direction or fractures from within, it could end up as just another failed attempt at alternative politics.
For now, one thing is certain: the revolution that reshaped the country’s political landscape last year is still unfolding. Where it ultimately leads – towards a Second Republic or something else entirely – will depend on whether this new generation of leaders can turn their vision into reality.
The writer is the news editor at the Daily Sun. Email: [email protected]