A fresh wave of discourse on student politics has swept across the country after the much-awaited central student union elections at Dhaka University (DUCSU) and Jahangirnagar University (JUCSU), which is undoubtedly a significant event in the nation’s political landscape. Yet, the pressing question remains: are these elections just a formality, or do they mark the beginning of a genuine process of cultivating real leadership?

The Islami Chhatra Shibir-backed United Students Alliance clinched most of the top positions, including vice president, general secretary and assistant general secretary, in the DUCSU elections. The record voter turnout of about 73% speaks volumes about the enthusiasm of students, many of whom were against student politics during the previous Awami League regime but now seem eager for its restoration. This is undoubtedly a positive message. In sharp contrast, the JUCSU elections were flawed by allegations and boycotts, exposing deep structural flaws and raising concern about administrative neutrality.

These election results lay bare a changed political reality: the influence of right-wing forces in student politics is no longer confined to isolated campuses, but rather it reflects a broader transformation in national political sentiment. Universities once dominated by ‘progressive’ student organisations are now witnessing the rise of ‘ideologically driven’, well-organised Islamist-leaning groups. This is not a mere electoral strategy but the result of long-term organisational preparation, ideological firmness, and the cultivation of an alternative political value system.

This rise of right-wing politics is nothing new in Bangladesh, but it has never been seen in such a clear form on campus before. On the one hand, we witness the organisational weakness of the anti-government left-progressives and widespread distrust towards ruling parties’ student wings. Caught in this vacuum, Islamist-leaning groups are seizing the moment, positioning themselves as principled alternatives, championing ‘sincerity’, ‘discipline’ and ‘ideals’, while their opponents are largely fragmented both ideologically and structurally.

This campus-level surge of the right is also a reflection of what’s brewing in the national political landscape. A growing number of young people are turning to religion-based or culturally conservative politics not necessarily out of conviction, but as a reaction to the disillusionment they feel towards so-called ‘progressive’ parties, often mired in corruption, nepotism and moral duplicity. The rise of the right, therefore, is not merely about strong ground-level mobilisation; it is also symptomatic of a deeper societal yearning for credible alternatives.

In this context, the role of teachers has also come under deep question. Once upon a time, university teachers were seen as the moral compass of academia: champions of free thought, critical dialogue and ideological rigour. But now, in many cases, it is seen that they are deeply entrenched in partisan divisions. Their clandestine political loyalty, evident bias during the electoral process and lack of impartiality are poisoning the well of student politics. The allegations that have been raised around the JUCSU elections, in particular questions about the role of teachers in the electoral board and irregularities in vote counting, are very disappointing. This corrosiveness of teacher politics is only weakening student politics.

Perhaps the most worrying aspect is the internal strife among progressive and anti-fascist student and political groups, traditionally the loudest voices against the Awami League’s authoritarian rule, resultant from ideological disagreements, leadership disputes, and personal vendettas. As a result, instead of a unified democratic movement, we are seeing scattered small groups, many of whom are suspicious of each other or see each other as political opponents. Taking advantage of this division, the Awami League will try to lay the groundwork for its comeback.

Of course, any process of leadership building will be meaningful only if elections are free, fair and inclusive. Electoral manipulation, administrative bias and party-backed coercion only deepen student disillusionment and degrade the integrity of student unions. The allegations surrounding JUCSU – vote tampering and partisan faculty involvement – are a worrying déjà vu for anyone who hoped for a clean break from the past.

Political parties also have an important role to play here. If they use student organisations only as a platform for party loyalists and future cadres to establish supremacy on campuses, conflict will arise, not leadership. What Bangladesh needs is a healthier political culture, one that allows for ideological diversity without descending into violence and that values competition without breeding animosity. Student politics must return to its roots: grounded in logic, principles, and a democratic spirit, not in a lust for power or patronage.

However, there are some silver linings too. Students are more aware, more connected and more engaged with global ideas. They know how powerful their voice is. If universities can use this opportunity to create an environment that protects freedom of expression, encourages dissent and promotes respectful dialogue, then in the future, student unions will be the training grounds for tomorrow’s national leaders.

Ultimately, the DUCSU and JUCSU elections put us at a crossroads. One path leads towards renewal: towards the rebirth of vibrant, democratic student politics. The other leads us back to the same old partisan entanglements and institutional decay. The choice now lies with students, university administrations and the nation’s political leadership: can these platforms be reclaimed as true arenas of democratic practice? Or will they be hijacked, yet again, by narrow party interests? Only time will tell.

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The writer is an Editorial Assistant at Daily Sun